Building in East Jerusalem
Haaretz today ran an excellent editorial denouncing the eviction of two Palestinian families from their homes in East Jerusalem. It makes the very critical point about how the whole dispute over building in East Jerusalem is an exercise in skillful duplicity on the part of the new Israeli government, and is worth quoting at length:
A Palestinian woman confronted Israeli riot police as she was evicted from her home in the Sheik Jarrah neighborhood of East Jerusalem on Sunday. Abir Sultan/European Pressphoto Agency.
...The sight of the evicted Palestinian families, who had lived in these houses for decades, paints Israel in the world's eyes as a country that maintains a cruel regime of occupation, oppresses the weak and strives to create political facts in the disputed city under the guise of the "rule of law."
But for all its importance, this international criticism is not what makes the eviction of these families completely unacceptable. A democratic state that strives for peace and justice simply has no right to uproot families who became refugees in 1948. They left homes in West Jerusalem behind them, and were subsequently granted modest accommodations by the Jordanian government. The claim that the houses in Sheikh Jarrah were purchased by Jews in the early 1900s is a double-edged sword that opens a political and legal Pandora's box.
No thinking person will be persuaded that Jews have a sweeping right to return to their homes in East Jerusalem as long as Israeli law not only bars Palestinians from returning to their homes in West Jerusalem, but even evicts them from the houses where they have lived for the last 60 years. The Israel Lands Administration's regulations do not even allow Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem to buy land and houses in many parts of the city.
So for all of the Israeli government's complaints about American racism in demanding that Israel stop building housing complexes for Jews in occupied parts of the city, there is the trump card of Israel's own actions in its regulation of housing for Palestinians in Israel and in the West Bank. (Stay tuned for my eventual critique of a memo on "talking about Israel," which is relevant to this.)
Anyone who is not totally ignorant knows that while Israeli law doesn't forbid Palestinians from inhabiting West Jerusalem (for they live there), building codes and other smokescreens create a situation where Palestinians essentially cannot buy property there, and Jews can. The situation Netanyahu described is more true in West Jerusalem than in East Jerusalem:
We cannot accept the idea that Jews will not have the right to live and purchase in all parts of Jerusalem. I can only describe to myself what would happen if someone would propose that Jews could not live in certain neighborhoods in New York, London, Paris or Rome. There would certainly be a major international outcry. Accordingly, we cannot agree to such a decree in Jerusalem.
There should be little sympathy for Netanyahu's crackpot attempts to smear critics as racist or anti-semitic, when, to quote the New York Times, "[a]s soon as the Palestinians had been forcibly removed from the houses, Jewish nationalists moved in..."
Prisoners of art
Bernard Khoury and Akram Zaatari at Beirut Art Center
by Tim Fitzsimons, NOW Staff

Are Lebanese artists prisoners of war? A provocative new exhibit by renowned Lebanese architect Bernard Khoury posits that they are. In a show at the Beirut Art Center on display through October 3, Khoury uses images from various Lebanese artists, including himself, to suggest that contemporary Lebanese art is trapped in an endless cycle of reference to the 15-year civil war. However, if Khoury illustrates the dilemma facing contemporary Lebanese artists, a divergent – if in final calculation complimentary – exhibit is being shown simultaneously at the center. “Earth of Endless Secrets” by Lebanese artist Akram Zaatari suggests a possible way out.
The architect’s apparatus
Bernard Khoury is perhaps the most internationally acclaimed architect currently working in Lebanon, and he has produced some of the few icons of post-war design in Lebanon. Khoury’s most feted buildings, the Gemmayzeh restaurant Centrale and the Karantina night club BO18, are critiques, with Centrale riffing off quaint notions of preserving Beirut’s architectural heritage, while BO18 confronts the legacy of the civil war directly though its location on the site of a famous massacre and by employing coffins as its central motif. Those buildings made Khoury an international star, but they also helped pigeonhole Lebanese contemporary art in the eyes of foreigners, who seemed to say, “If it’s not about the war, we’re not interested.” In his exhibit at the Beirut Art Center, Khoury attempts to take the ax to that somewhat-debilitating association.
“Prisoner of War”, described in the catalogue as an “apparatus”, is a man-sized sculpture that resembles a miniature version of an iconic and sinister-looking American stealth bomber, without the wings. It sits on the floor bathed in light. Behind it, a video of the sculpture in motion plays on the wall.
The captions for the work, under the faux-militaristic heading “Concept of Operation”, reads: “The POW is a self-propelled apparatus for the use of returning Prisoners of War to enemy lines.” The screen behind the sculpture plays a video of this journey from the two cameras fitted in the front windows of the apparatus. The two feeds, much like two eyes, show a ground-level view as a POW shuffles over rubble to commands of “Straight! Right! Left!” being shouted in Arabic.
The sculpture on the floor at BAC is empty, but the video and the description create for the viewer an understanding that is based on its imagined use. There is no view out, so as “prisoners” return across enemy lines, they are forced to act as an intelligence-collecting tool: the ultimate Trojan Horses. The prisoner always remains blind to, yet protected from, his surroundings.
On their own, Khoury’s apparatus and video – which were designed for a different exhibition in Italy – are perplexing. It is only in the third piece, “Catherine Wants to Know”, which Khoury designed especially for the current exhibit, that the thrust of his message becomes apparent. The photomontage consists of images of the civil war by well-known Lebanese artists. We see the Cedars in snow with skiing soldiers floating down the slopes, the mountains and the city in war, soldiers by the sea, a military jeep, painted colored balloons, Khoury’s own BO18, children by the beach, and, finally, the POW sculpture in use with human arms emerging from under it – a landscape of the war. The cumulative effect is to elucidate and mock the plight of the contemporary Lebanese artist, trapped in a cycle of endless reference to the civil war.
The artist’s answer
At first glance Akram Zaatari would seem to be just the sort of artist Khoury is critiquing in “Catherine Wants to Know”. Indeed, Google Zataari’s name and the first hit describes him as “exploring Lebanon's postwar condition through collecting testimonies and various documents…”
Zaatari’s focus on a Lebanese prisoner of Israel would seem to be subscribing to the dichotomy Khoury mocks; that Lebanese artists must address the war in some manner or another unless they want to be ignored. But by taking an almost microscopic focus to the experiences of a single individual, Zaatari’s “Earth of Endless Secrets: Writing for a Posterior Time” transcends the conflict itself.
The exhibit, the other half of which is featured at Sfeir-Semler Gallery, is a photographed correspondence of a single prisoner, Nabih Awada, a former member of the Communist resistance in Lebanon. Nawada was first imprisoned by Israel when he was 16 and didn’t regain his freedom until a decade later.
“Secrets” consists of two series of photographed documents: “Neruda’s Garden”, which features images of Awada’s letters to his family and theirs to him; and “Untold”, which features Awada’s correspondence with his fellow prisoners and a video.
In one sense the work has a documentary interest independent of its artistic merits. For instance, in the “Untold” video, Awada writes a letter to Samir Kantar, the most infamous of the Lebanese prisoners held by Israel, which he put into a capsule, making reference to the way in which secret messages were passed through furtive prison kisses. Also in “Untold”, 48 photographs of prisoners with notes scribbled on back are displayed, showcasing correspondences from prisoners to Awada, or “Neruda”, his revolutionary nickname.
While many of the messages displayed reflect the emotions we associate with detention, namely boredom and misery, others are unexpectedly comical: “Comrade Nabih… A revolutionary greeting… I offer you this portrait of me… I ask you to accept this one even if it’s ugly… If you like it, then welcome. Otherwise, goodbye… Finally, please accept my cold salutations, kneaded in a mountain of ice. Peace, Ali Balhas, Askalan Prison, July 21, 1995.”
The photo-notes were permitted only after a 1993 hunger strike forced the hand of the Israeli captors, and there is a certain irony in the notion that a decision by a random Israeli bureaucrat is partly responsible for the window into the world of resistance prisoners of Israel that Zaatari has put together.
The most affecting images are in “Neruda’s Garden”. Written on Red Cross stationery—prisoners are warned in bold letters at the top of each page not to discuss anything other than personal family matters—Awada’s letters to his mother are tender and meticulously illustrated.
In addition, Zaatari features two large photos of the collected correspondences, from both sides of the divide. In the photo, his mother’s worn satchel holds his letters from prison, but the viewer notices the care with which the notes are folded and meticulously organized. Like the folder Awada created to hold his mother’s letters, her satchel and the thoughts it contained were the one connection she had to him, and so she cared for it in his absence, endowing it and its contents with his missing personality.
“Secrets” draw attention away from the loud, postwar hysteria to the silent little economy of emotions that persists in spite the best efforts of his jailors. By focusing on unadorned evidence, Zaatari creates a work that is more interested in the human condition in captivity than any broader political argument.
Bureaucracy

Today I attempted to set right my visa overstay, which was met with fun bureaucracy at General Security. In order to leave Lebanon, I cannot simply renew my visa before my departure a week from Friday. I must either leave before Wednesday, July 27, which will be within the one month grace period of my overstay, or I must go to Syria before that. So, in order to leave Lebanon, I must leave Lebanon, or else they will not let me leave Lebanon. Perfect sense, right?
While searching for answers on the General Security website, I came across this gem of bureaucratic mumbojumbo. I have highlighted the best parts. Apparently "artist" and "masseuse" means erotic dancer. My translation: if you marry a Lebanese man, as long as you're not a dancer in a super nightclub, you can leave with an overstayed visa. If you are a dancer, you must have not shown your face in Lebanon for a year before you will get any special treatment.
The following cases are exempted from all the conditions concerning the address, the round trip ticket, and the prematurely approval from the General Directorate of the General Security:
- The wife of a Lebanese man, who didn’t work previously as an artist or a masseuse, after presenting a document proving the marriage.
- The wife of a Palestinian refugee in Lebanon or a holder of a valid identity card under consideration and who didn’t work previously as an artist or a masseuse, after presenting a document asserting the marriage.
- The wife of a Syrian man accompanying him and who didn't work previously as an artist or masseuses in Lebanon, provided that the marriage is written on the husband’s family register or by presenting a document proving the marriage.
- The coming females who didn’t work previously as artists or masseuses in Lebanon, accompanying one of the parents, one of the brothers, the husband, or a son.
- The mother in law of a Lebanese man, after presenting a document asserting the kinship.
- The females coming within official delegations, or those holding private, special or diplomatic passports.
- The wife of a Lebanese man who already has worked as an artist or a masseuse and left Lebanon for a period of more than one year, if she is accompanied by one or more children from this marriage after presenting the documents proving the marriage.
- The wife of a foreigner non Arabic man who has already worked as an artist or a masseuse and had left Lebanon for a period more than one year, provided that she is in his company and that she holds a document proving the marriage.
- People entering Lebanon via direct, prematurely, or consulate visas are allowed to enter the Syrian territories and to return to Lebanon within the period of the visa’s validity and within 5 days.
A Beirut night
Begins like this:
Travel to Zico House, an artist's collective on Spears Street. There, an event combining freestyle rap with freestyle drawing is going on. Watch for a bit, have a drink, then leave.

Travel to Gemmayzeh, where you have another drink at a rooftop bar with a retracting cylindrical ceiling. Note that they have repositioned the bar so that the retracting roof is now over your head. Leave.
Walk across the still-to-be-completed downtown area to the "Egg" or "Dome," the bombed out cinema in the center of the city. Recently, it has been hired out to various events, including the electronic concert during Fete de la Musique. This evening, it is hired out for a(nother) Michael Jackson event.
Inside, about twenty people stood around in a vast spherical space, still haggard from the old days when men peered from the air vents to snipe at what was once the war's front line. Chunks of the ceiling were missing, as were all of the seats, and here and there on the stuccoed ceiling little holes and chunks were missing, from who knows what sort of damage.
They were playing DVDs of Michael Jackson music videos very loudly, and the effect was sort of overwhelming. His videos are entrancing and even more so on a gigantic silver screen. The falsetto reverberated in the vast, empty space, and the apocalyptic feeling of this half-destroyed, half-resuscitated cinema was further enhanced.
Click through to see the full versions of these photos until I figure out how to do an HTML scroll frame.
(In this photo, you'll see on the left some barriers used to separate the construction area from the street, a bombed out church [this is all looking south], the rebuilt areas of downtown [west], the Dome, and the Hariri mosque [north].)
Inside, you see the view from the screen.
Tweetup in Gemmayzeh
A few days ago, I went to a Twitter meetup - or "tweetup" - in Gemmayzeh at the invitation of my more Twitter savvy friend, Josie (or, @josiensor on Twitter).
Though I am a Twitter user myself, I was surprised that I found the whole thing to be very fun - I met a bunch of Beirut's bloggers, (Blogging Beirut, Plus 961, others I think), a few AUB students, and others.
She wrote it up for the Daily Star. I am going to copy the article here since it will disappear to the Daily Star's terrible pay-only archives in a day or two, but the link is here.
Growing social phenomenon unites Beirut strangers at Gemmayzeh sushi bar
By Josie Ensor
Daily Star staff
Friday, June 26, 2009
BEIRUT: Have you ever been to a dinner party where you don't know a single person? The scenario sounds terrifying, and frankly not too likely, but it is becoming a regular occurrence in Beirut. I went to my first Lebanese 'tweetup' last night at a sushi bar in Gemmayzeh and found myself in just this situation.
Searching for the elusive Beirut connection
It's hard to keep yourself connected here. The power doesn't cooperate, the internet doesn't cooperate, the traffic doesn't cooperate, and the weather doesn't cooperate. Everything fails, shuts down, sputters back to life, and then dies again.
Many things about this country don't make a lot of sense. However, like it did for the interminable Doctor Samir Geagea - former warlord and current head of the Lebanese Forces - somehow, everything works out in the end. (Obviously, I eventually found a connection.)
With that I leave you with some quotes from his gem of a (auto?)biography, found on the Lebanese Forces website:
Strong and irresistible, Samir Geagea can be compared to the majestic cedars of Lebanon that have characterized the Lebanese Mountains since Biblical times. These trees, arguably the most beautiful in the world, growing for thousands of years on the pinnacles of his hometown Besharri, are not dissimilar to his robust physique and principles. ...
Dr. Geagea, stong like cedars.
Just as straight and haughty as the great Cedars of Lebanon against storms and attacks of the elements, he too resisted the obstacles of those that tried to derail and humiliate him. Samir Geagea, a true stalwart, maintained the true vision, the right vision for his country. ...
This man, the imposing stature, with black piercing eyes, bare forehead and moustache that crosses a constantly smiling face, has a faith that can move mountains. Able and determined, preferring occasionally to compromise to avoid the worst and achieve a positive result, Samir Geagea has never confused strategy with tactics. Before all political steps, he analyses local, regional and international factors with perspicacity and intelligence. He consults and works with others. Calm and serene, especially in moments of crisis and tensions, he is at the same time Cartesian and pragmatic. He reacts as an intellectual and thinks as a man of action. He hardly forgets the past but never takes refuge in it. He knows how to apply the past to present situations in such a way as to achieve a better future. His appreciation of silence stems from his belief that "silence is an element at the heart of all that is great". He loves and knows how to listen, he never ceases to repeat the proverb: "it is in listening and not through speaking that we learn."
Straight from the Notebook
I've typed up some notes from an interview I conducted with a thorougly defeated man. He was an Iraqi refugee living in Amman, and he was a Sabean. His comments underscore the sectarian cleavages that have grown in Iraq, as well as the despair that has enveloped those who were chased from the country. These notes are fully unedited, from the original broken English and Arabic translation, but I think by reading them this way you get a better sense of how the interview went.
The man was short and had a sad, handsome face. His hair was graying and he was slight in size and stature. His young children darted in and out of the room as we conducted the interview. They inched along, backs to the wall, eyes fixed on me because I was an outsider.
--------------------------------------------
Back to Amman - 8/13/09
Before the war -
name-Nasser Mosat
AGE-45
When he came to Jordan...
he is Sabean
We are 18,000 in the whole world, because its few and theyre well-educated, education of children. "Our religion depends on peace + knowledge in life,"
They're an ancient religion, before Islam, Christianity, before Jews...
Iraq is their real country
John the Baptist - they baptized Jesus. Muslims don't accept anything different, anything diff. is wrong
Sheikhs are politicians, they want to control other people
Before 2003 before no tension - his opinion there was gvmt to protect them
-->more about muslims *how it changed how people
whole family killed in iraq. bro, sis, mother, killed by mehdi army, doesn't care about ngos
he doesn't like to ask
got $ from Care, never uses
he has bad things, missile killed his 13 other family members
"I'm not Iraqi anymore"
existed before war
"militias told me to leave iraq + i said i'm not iraqi anymore."
before the war a lot of missionaries tried to convert them to islam
-->palpable tension between the sects in iraq
"we leave death in iraq, to a slow death in jordan"
he never goes to ask for handouts because its not what i want "it's not who i am."
"my future is finished, i have just the future of my children."
made interview w/ aus. resettlement. waited 8 months for response from Australia.
Thinks it will be 1 year for Australia, even w/ answer they must wait one more year.
Doesn't understand why its so late. They must find some solution for us.
Muslims can go back to Iraq when better Sabeans must stay in Jordan or trans to another country. I hope there are some place for us to go, they must.
"I'm out of patience and out of money," just wants a peaceful place for kids and family
employment
When the UN called about resettlement@UNHCR, they sat for 5 hours and interviewer began to cry
she asked where does he want to go, australia
they asked w/ which party they worked w/
they bribed the un and if you work for someone big or bribe you get processed more quickly
all savings are gone. -now getting help, gets some help from relatives
spends $500/mo w/ good health
$600/mo 5 person family
prices of food have gone up. heard australia better than other countries
harder for him to move to australia than others
These people, our religion don't want material possession. Simple peaceful life
"I've lost most of my life and I can't make it up. I'm now just living for my kids."
Hezbollah’s New Face
BEIRUT – 16 July 2008
The media circus staged last week by Hezbollah is what should be remembered as their true victory from the prisoner swap.
Following closely on the heels of the Mediterranean love-fest with French President Nicolas Sarkozy in Paris, during which Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and President Michel Sleiman were closer to each other than they will probably ever be again, this past week’s events show how much distance there really is between the two countries.
All of the important members of the Lebanese government were on hand at Beirut airport to laud the return of the prisoners – including a visibly unenthusiastic Prime Minister Siniora – as Hezbollah claimed victory and draped the day’s festivities in their flag. The images of the President giving a rousing speech praising the resistance contrasted sharply with the message from Paris, which was one of international cooperation.
Hezbollah’s motivation behind the theatrics was twofold: first, to give its supporters, still hurting from the 2006 war, an opportunity to thumb their noses at Israel; and second, to place into the news cycle the image of a nation rallying behind an event that was simultaneously Lebanon’s and Hezbollah’s.
Hezbollah had to make as much as possible out of the prisoner event, as its May campaign in Beirut and elsewhere left a negative image in the minds of Lebanese and people around the world. Their ability to stage the event and roll out all important members of government was largely based on the May events and the unity government that the resistance is now a part of.
It jumbled the party’s political imagery with that of the Lebanese state, further blurring the line between the two entities. The event’s posters and advertisements had a custom-made logo, the stage entrance of Kuntar and the others looked like they must have spent some time practicing in Israeli prison, and Nasrallah’s brief, security-blanketed appearance gave special weight to the day’s festivities. Their celebration was, by far, the most organized and well-executed enterprise to hit the streets of Beirut for some time.
Hezbollah’s tight visuals and sweeping camera montages held the attention of a news-addicted nation for an entire day, with everyone’s eyes fixed firmly on the pomp and symbol-laden circumstance of the party’s grand nationalization campaign. The degree to which Hezbollah endeavored – with success – to portray last week’s Hezbollah celebration as an event being celebrated by all Lebanese is impressive.
However, the fact remains that the prisoner swap was at least as much about Israeli domestic politics than it is about the strength of the weapons of the resistance. Ehud Olmert, buffeted by scandal and his botched handling of domestic and international affairs, has been grasping at anything to improve his image so that he can avoid the disintegration of his coalition. Israeli public opinion demanded from the unpopular Premier that the two soldiers be returned in accordance with Israeli military custom and Jewish tradition, and Hezbollah successfully kept silent about their deaths for nearly two years, so it had the upper hand in bargaining.
According to the posters strung up at the Naqoura border crossing, “Freedom is guaranteed by Nasrallah, and Humiliation is guaranteed by Olmert.” The words were in English, intended to be impress upon outside observers what a feat the group had accomplished. The various elements of the celebrations show that Hezbollah is intent on expanding beyond the hearts and the minds of the adoring supporters in the suburbs, who need no further proof. The next challenge for the group is bringing even broader support to their side. And with the possibility of peace between Israel and Syria hovering over the Levant, Hezbollah has to keep its image Lebanese.
Over the past few months, as rumblings of a Syrian-Israeli peace deal grew louder, Hezbollah greatly strengthened its presence in Lebanon. In May, the group demonstrated its military dominance when it took over West Beirut, and in July, its media advantage with the prisoner swap. Its events and coverage of the prisoner exchange were designed to reorient public opinion away from considering Hezbollah a fringe group and instead toward seeing it as a party that represents the Lebanese people.
Sabeans fleeing persecution in Iraq find cold refuge in reluctant Jordan

Asel recounts his story as an Iraqi refugee.
AMMAN -- Asel didn’t come to Jordan because he wanted to. Neither did his parents. They, like so many others, stole out of their native Iraq at the last minute, when word came that gangs were coming to kill their family.
Since that fateful morning in 2004, Asel, his two brothers, and his parents have been in Jordan passing time waiting for something that might enable them to end their limbo and move on. They won’t to go back to Iraq, so great was the trauma that caused them to leave.
They were targeted because they are Sabean, a small religious group in Iraq who trace their creed back to the teachings of St. John the Baptist. In the turbulent days years since the beginning of the US-led war in Iraq, Asel’s family and many Sabeans received death threats demanding ransom and conversion. His brother’s botched kidnapping shook his family, but not until the warnings of imminent death did they decide to flee. So sudden was their escape that the family brought no clothes and made no preparations for their arrival in Amman.
In Jordan’s capital, Asel’s family has made al-Hashemi al Shemali their home. There, in a neighborhood previously inhabited by poor Palestinians, countless Iraqi families live in what could best be described as impoverished purgatory. They fear that the simplest trouble could mean a one-way ticket back to Iraq, which for many would mean a death sentence. So they stay, silently.
Asel tried to convey the overwhelming boredom that has plagued his four-year stay in Amman. He and his other Iraqi friends described day after day of never leaving their apartments, unable to work, openly play, or even attend school. (Only last year, the Jordanian government opened public schools to Iraqi refugees, and many are unsure whether they will be able to return for the coming school year.) Books and television have been Asel’s sole sources of entertainment for four years, during which he has only been able to complete two years of schooling, one public, and one parochial.
But they do have satellite television. Holed up in their small apartment, the two eldest brothers have watched enough American movies to fill in their remaining gaps in English. Asel, with little formal English education, ably served as this reporter’s translator. Their family, though very poor, is not unique. According to a study of Iraqis in Jordan conducted in May 2007 by Fafo, a Norwegian research institute, nearly 95% of Iraqis in the country have access to satellite television in their homes. But day-to-day living expenses, exacerbated by recent inflation in food and fuel prices, are the most difficult ones for them to manage. TV, filled with hundreds more channels than the one Iraqis previously knew, has proven to be this family’s one escape.
Unlike other refugee crises of the past several decades, the plight of Iraqis in Jordan is not one characterized by starvation or widespread homelessness. Rather, it is a muffled crisis that involves political and economic insecurity of a large, previously middle class group that has been forced into the underbelly of an unwelcoming society, where they have no rights, and no guarantee that they will not be sent back to their homeland, where many of them fear death. Many watch silently as family members slowly expire, unable to obtain the medications that, lacking Jordanian citizenship, are too expensive for them to obtain.
This fear of deportation is what keeps people like Asel and his family inside, shying away from extended periods walking in the street. They do go out, but the slim chance that the police will stop them for some transgression is enough to keep them home most of the day. According to the UNHCR in Amman, there is an unspoken rule that Jordanian police ignore the status of Iraqis, but stories of forced deportation are rife among refugee communities.
Not all Iraqis in Jordan are like Asel’s family, however. One man who works in the main produce market near the King Hussein Mosque came during the first Iran-Iraq war and has stayed, unhindered, until 2003. The recent deluge of Iraqis from the new Gulf War, and the ensuing political pressures on Iraqi communities from the Jordanian government, forced him to obtain an asylum seeker certificate from the UNHCR. This man still sends money home to his two wives and family in Basra.
There is a movement to diagnose the problem of the Iraqi refugee crisis in Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon, with the intention of finding a silver bullet. With such a varied and unconventional refugee population, policymakers have struggled to find solutions. Their predicament is completely dependent on external factors, and few will consider returning before a significant improvement in the security situation. Others vow they will never return, because for them, Iraq will never be the same.
Their situation has been improved by some ad hoc measures, such as the Jordanian government’s decision to allow Iraqi children to attend public schools, but such changes do nothing to speed up the process of resettlement by foreign governments, or to bring increased stability to Iraq. One measure that would likely ease the strain on Iraqi families in Jordan, the provision of work permits, is met by universal condemnation by a government fearful of alienating a population facing high unemployment rates. Even the granting of official recognition is too much for the Jordanian government, who fear a repeat of the normalization of the Palestinian refugee population.
But aside from work, what most Sabeans hope most for is a way to leave Jordan, and to begin a new life in the US, Britain, Australia, or Sweden. Political forces have forced them out of Iraq, and political forces keep them in limbo, and so they continue to wait.
Hezbollah Prisoner Exchange
Beirut - 16 July 2008
I began my day at four thirty in the morning. The electricity was out at the Orange House, but Poopy and Sour were barking and the two old ladies had emerged from their bedroom, bustling around in preparation for their daily sea-turtle regimen. I sat on the patio and thumbed through Fast Food Nation as the sun began to peek from around the banana leaves and orange trees. “That bird,” she told me, pointing up, “is the one that wakes me up every morning.”
It was five when we walked through their garden, over the disused train tracks, down the dirt road that cut through their orchard and unlocked the gate down to the beach. It was warm, just right, and strange looking crabs scrambled in terror from Poopy’s lazy march down the sand. We scoured one side of the beach, picking up random bits of trash that had washed in from other Mediterranean countries, and stared out at the wonderful mix of turquoise and purple that was slowly giving way to day. Fadi, the taxi driver from Beirut who was fixing for a journalist from the Frankfurter Allgemeie Zeitung, was there with us. He took out his Beiruti post-war traumatic stress disorder with a short bamboo rod on unlucky crabs. Meanwhile, we dug up turtle nests and fitting them with protective cages to discourage foxes and people.
The eggs were soft, and she only dug up enough to see that they were there before covering the hole up. The whole thing was done quickly enough. I went back to the house and continued to read the good parts of the book. It was peaceful, quiet, for a bit. At breakfast I had toast with labneh and watched intently as flies feasted on poisoned sugar. I swiveled my head around and looked through the leaves of the trees and spotted UNIFIL helicopters zooming back and forth over the sea. By then, the cars had begun to zoom triumphantly south down the coast road to Naqoura, the border town with Israel where the day’s prisoner swap was happening. I went out to the road and watched as heavy Mercedes zoomed with young men hanging from the windows waving Amal and Hezbollah and SSNP flags, and they waved to my camera as I snapped photos of them. I left Mansouri with the German and the cabbie and went back north to Beirut. Nobody was on the highway; a lot of people were taking the day off to celebrate. I got dropped off at the Kuwaiti Embassy by the highway in a part of Beirut I didn’t know and I asked the incredulous embassy guards if they knew where Dahiyeh was. They squinted through the sun at me, listening hard, and after they deciphered what I was trying to say, they gesticulated wildly. Turn right, their hands said. I walked some more, past the infamous Sabra Palestinian refugee camp, and past a few relics of the 2006 Israeli bombing (emphasis on few). I got a little lost, so I ducked into a juice shop as the electricity flickered out and the blenders sputtered to a halt. I had a lemon ice slushie, and I sat sipping it and writing down thoughts. A sunglassed man was sitting at a table on the sidewalk, and I could see from inside that he had a thin, curled clear tube leading from under his collar to his ear. I only then realized that I was in the security zone, the area in the southern suburbs where Hezbollah reins supreme, checks passport, grants permission for access, and generally functions as an independent state. I walked out, careful to check over my shoulder to be sure that he wasn’t slowly tagging along, and walked down toward the route indicated by the man at the embassy. I had my camera backpack and my camera slung over my shoulder, and soon I heard “Psst, psst” coming from a teenager wearing tight black clothes with a walkie talkie sticking out of his pocket. On his brown baseball cap, I could make out the faded image of the fist holding a rifle – the symbol of Hezbollah. “Soura? Soura?,” he asked, and I knew he was talking about the camera. A few others swarmed up around him and stared at the scene, fingering their walkie-talkies. I had only experienced their tight control of images once in 2007, but then I was with a tour organized by the press office. I tried to explain that I was trying to find Jamya al-Qai’m. He looked at me bewildered. “Party?” I said, trying hard, “celebration? Nasrallah? Woo-hoo!?” “Ahh, okay,” he said, getting it. He pointed with his walkie-talkie over toward the other side of the street where there stood a black structure that looked like a miniature air traffic control tower. As I walked across the street I looked around and noticed the dozens of men with brown hats and walkie-talkies that were watching me from stores, from balconies, from windows with the curtains suddenly pulled back. They were everywhere. I stayed calm, knowing that you just need permission to be there, so I took out my passport and my press card and handed it to the man, trying to stay cool. “American?” he asked, lip curling, as he looked down at my passport. “Yep,” I said, resigned. (I had failed once before in pretending to be Canadian in sticky situations, so I just decided to never do it again.) “Daily Star?” “Yes, here for the celebrations.” He took my camera and slung it over his shoulder and went to a telephone and talked quickly to someone. He came back and told me to show him what I had photos of, so I showed him the photos of the beach and the turtle nests. He seemed confused. I said “Sour,” and he relented. He told me not to take any pictures of the neighborhood. I said I hadn’t, and I wouldn’t. But I told him that I wanted to get photos of the celebrations later in the day. “Okay,” he said, and then he walked away, with my camera over his shoulder. I followed him, a little worried. He brought me to the Hezbollah Media Relations Office, somewhere I had been before.
He pressed the button for the elevator and we stood as it rose up, silently, awkwardly, and he knocked hard on the door and we were let into the office. A stern, teacherly-looking woman looked at me, noticeably unhappy to see someone there. “Yes?” They took my passport and photocopied it and she told me to go away and come back when the party had started. “Watch TV,” she instructed, “and come back when the helicopters land at Beirut airport.” As she was leaving the room I called out and told her that I had met her before, when my university had visited Dahiyeh last year, and she looked at me suspiciously. She didn’t remember. I asked for directions to Jamya al Qai’m, the mosque where the thing was supposed to happen and she wrote it for me on a piece of paper. She looked happy when I left. She had more important things to attend to - it was a big day. I went out from the office and was immediately redetained by forgetful Hezbollah security forces, who gesticulated at each other wildly in Arabic as I stood, frustrated, waiting for them to work out the misunderstanding. “I’m going away. Going, away, this way, I swear, no pictures, leaving. Coffee. Where can I have coffee?” They told me to go that way, and so I went. I sat in a long, handsome restaurant and drank many rounds of Turkish coffee as all the patrons watched Al Manar as the prisoner swap began. A few of the wealthy people there waved Hezbollah flags as if they were at some sort of unenthusiastic baseball game. I watched as trucks laden with coffins draped in the Lebanese flag crossed the border in front of a bandstand that read, “Freedom is guaranteed by Hassan Nasrallah, Humilitation is guaranteed by Ehud Olmert.” I forgave them for their awkward construction and realized that the group was trying to move its message to people like me. Those who it had not already won over. The whole entourage was there at Beirut airport to greet the prisoners when they arrived in the afternoon, including a visibly unhappy-to-be-there Prime Minister Fouad Siniora, whose new unity government included the celebrators. He gave the customary three cheek kisses stiffly, with little emotion. President Michel Suleiman, on the other hand, seemed very happy to be there. Since the prisoners had landed, I left and walked back to where I was going. I’ll cut out all the boring repetition of the various circles I made trying to figure out how to get in. On the way, a boy of maybe ten years asked me “You are American?” and groaning, I said, “yes...” “You love America?” I thought to myself “I could explain my sense of nationalism to you, but you would not understand...” He cut off my inner monologue with “And you love Israel?!” “No, please, go away,” I said, looking around and seeking to avoid a scene. I found the press tent eventually. It was a huge warehouse with the stylized portrait of Imad Mugniyeh, the recently assassinated Hezbollah terror mastermind. I was greeted with a smile by the sharply dressed media liaisons who took my bag, my press card, and asked me to sit down. They very quickly ran my name against a database and came back out, holding my press card (on which my name was misspelled) and asked “Are you still a student at Tufts University, or are you a journalist now?” I gulped. I hadn’t told them anything about anything having to do with Tufts. But I had interviewed a Hezbollah MP in 2007 with a Tufts delegation. They had a good database, and they wanted me to know it. “I’m still a student, but I’m just working at the Daily Star for the summer.” “Okay, just one moment,” he said with a smile. Someone brought me an Iranian-funded bottle of Tanourine mineral water and I sipped, waiting. They came back and tagged my camera and bag with security clearance slips and gave me a press pass which had a specially-designed logo for the event, and a serial number stamped into it with gold foil. They put me in a minibus and drove us through the layers of roadblocks and directly to the press stand. We passed guns and buns and an “ultra-realistic” paintball course and walked up into the crowd. 
The square was packed. The press stand was in the middle, with half of the area already packed with screaming, adoring, chanting fans all posing for the cameras. The tall apartment blocks surrounding were filled with people hanging from their balconies, waving flags. There were many security personnel on every building’s roof... In front of us, the VIP section was set up and largely empty. The stage had an enormous cutout fist punching the air – a new symbol I had
seen on a few billboards – and a band singing rousing party music. The scene was truly incredible. There were boom cameras swinging over the scene, broadcasting live on Al Manar. The two jumbotrons were showing the festivities as they unfolded at Beirut airport: the President, Prime Minister, Speaker of the Parliament all lined up, kissing the prisoners as they disembarked in Hezbollah uniforms. President Suleiman gave what, despite my lack of Arabic, was certainly a rousing speech. The crowd behind me booed and cheered at all the right moments – whenever a member of the March 14th movement appeared on the screen, they all hissed and booed, and whenever anyone allied with Hezbollah came on, they went crazy. Like clockwork.
There were also hundreds upon hundreds of security guards, of different levels. There were some wearing suits and carefully shuffling along the press so we didn’t stray, and there were also crowd managers who wore yellow Hezbollah hats and sunglasses, and told the people to stop littering and things like that. Three young girls wearing abayas were certainly spying on all the press on stage, covertly filming us as we took photos, typed up stories, and talked on our cell phones. I guess this is how Hezbollah builds its database.
There were a few speeches, and from the jumbotrons I could tell that things were getting closer. The motorcade was making its way from the airport to the square, and off to the side there appeared to be a commotion. Soon afterward, the prisoners themselves burst onto the stage, Samir Kuntar (the most notorious, and perhaps, most guilty) in the lead. They broke through the bars that were in the back of the stage, looking as if they had been practicing the stunt for some time, and not like they had just walked off of a helicopter fresh from thirty years in a foreign prison. Eventually Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah came on stage, literally wearing his security guards, who were hugging his large frame - likely already clad in many layers of Kevlar. The leader looked triumphant, hugged Kuntar, and began to give a speech. The crowd behind the press stand was euphoric; everyone was standing on their folding chair, and some even fell backward near me in a domino scene, but quickly regained their spot and threw pebbles at the heads of journalists for us to sit down. 
This was one of Nasrallah’s first public appearances in many months (I had heard two years, but I’m not sure), but he was gone quickly. Kuntar gave his speech, and by the time he was done, Nasrallah was back on the jumbotron, at his safehouse, giving the rest of his remarks. The whole thing was so incredibly carefully staged. We left the stage soon after, still in shock at what we had seen, the sounds, the organization of the whole event. As we walked through the dark streets of Dahiyeh and tried to find a taxi, Nasrallah’s speech echoed from every home, store, and passing taxi. It was eerily similar to what being in a totalitarian state must be like when The Leader gives a speech. Everyone was listening. My thoughts of the event will be posted soon. They are less organized, but that is a rundown of what happened.




